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国际刑事法的“国际公正”审判标准

kira86 于2010-06-22发布 l 已有人浏览
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A Compromise on Trials for Crimes of Aggression高速下载 This is the VOA Special English Development Report.Mem
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A Compromise on Trials for Crimes of Aggression


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This is the VOA Special English Development Report.

Member countries of the International Criminal Court met this month in Kampala, Uganda. They were there to examine the court's progress for the first time. Observers, human rights activists and civil society groups also attended the two-week review conference.

A treaty called the Rome Statute established the court in The Hague, in the Netherlands, in two thousand two. The court can try people for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity when their own countries are unwilling or unable to.

The court was also given the right to try crimes of aggression, although it never has. This is partly because I.C.C. members could not agree on how to define aggression.

In Kampala they agreed on a compromise resolution. It defines the crime in terms of acts by a political or military leader against another state in violation of the United Nations Charter.

Invasions, attacks and blockades could all be tried as acts of aggression. So could letting another country use a state's territory for aggressive acts against a third state.

The United Nations Security Council has the lead responsibility for deciding that an act of aggression has taken place. But if the council takes no action within six months, the court might still be able to carry out an investigation.

Critics pointed out that the agreement does not permit the court to punish aggression by non-member countries or their nationals. Also, members could refuse to accept the court's right to try crimes of aggression. I.C.C. countries also agreed to delay any action by the court on aggression until they re-examine the issue in seven years.

The International Criminal Court has yet to complete its first case involving any crime. Eleven cases are currently before the court. They include the case against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. He is the first head of state to be charged by the I.C.C. while in office.

Two years ago, the court found him guilty of war crimes in Darfur. Last year it ordered his arrest. But Sudan rejects the ruling. The I.C.C. review conference took place even as the president was just sworn in for a new term.

One hundred eleven countries are parties to the Rome Statute. The United States is not among them but took part in Kampala as an observer. Other countries that have not joined the court include China and Russia.

And that's the VOA Special English Development Report, written by June Simms. I'm Steve Ember.

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十年来,人类的基本权利和自由在世界范围内受到侵害之迅速,几乎就如用来保护他们的新机制的建立一样。“非常规引渡”未经审判的无限期拘留、控制命令、资产冻结和秘密的法庭听证会,成为一个新的法令。

具有强烈讽刺意味的是,十年来,人类的基本权利和自由在世界范围内受到侵害之迅速,几乎就如用来保护他们的新机制的建立一样。在英国,就在 2000年工党的《法》(Human Rights Act)承诺对公民自由给予保护不到一年,新颁布的反恐法律就开始侵犯他们的利益了。未经审判的无限期拘留、控制命令(control order)、资产冻结和秘密的法庭听证会,成为一个新的法令(译注:指2001年颁布的反恐法)的一部分—有一个2004年的上议院判词写道,“这个国家真正的威胁……不是来自恐怖主义,而是来自诸如此类的法律。”

  相比伊拉克战争的合法性问题,自由问题很快受到人们的更多重视。林迪-英格兰(Lynndie England)和其他美国军人虐待伊拉克阿布格莱布(Abu Ghraib)监狱囚犯的照片在2004年令舆论进入新的低谷;英国军队也卷入了虐囚指控。本拉登依然在逃,但数百名其他的恐怖分子嫌疑人被缉拿。随着“ 非常规引渡”(译注:意指将罪犯秘密引渡到可施酷刑的国家)一词成为流行词汇,美国被指控绑架多名男子到那些可以施用从拔指甲到电击等审讯手段的国家,最年轻的受害者只有15岁。

  美国发展了自己对“酷刑”一词的定义,并开始将俘虏送到幽灵监狱(ghost prison)和一个位于古巴的鲜为人知的军事基地。当美国单方面重新定义它的法律义务,将数百人在得不到战俘或平民权利保护情况下监禁在关塔那摩时,“ 关塔那摩”就成为布什时代不正义的象征。纠正后续的伤害比许多人想像得要艰难--奥巴马对恢复法治和关闭关塔那摩监狱的承诺受挫于囚犯的处置问题。在英国,今年从关塔那摩出狱归来的宾亚姆-穆罕默德(Binyam Mohamed)带回了有关监狱状况的新见解和英国参与酷刑的新证据。

  2005年伊拉克以及2009年阿富汗的选举表明,迈向民主的步伐应该循序渐进,而在其他地区,争取民主的斗争依然选择血腥的道路。 2007年缅甸“僧侣革命”(saffron revolution)时,在几千名民主示威人士中,穿着深红色长袍的僧侣喋血街头的镜头震惊世界。同时,对于许多人来说,对昂山素姬的继续软禁代表了专制政权的持续压迫。在非洲,持久的地区冲突和极权统治—以及新的非洲联盟(African Union)不能批评自己的政客所带来的失望—令其他地区所取得的进步渺小且暗淡。加纳、莫桑比克和卢旺达继续实现权力的和平过渡和经济增长,而遍及西非的石油的美好前景带来了谨慎的希望。

  2006年,对利比里亚前总统查尔斯-泰勒(Charles Taylor)的逮捕体现了前所未有的问责制度。对他就涉嫌战争罪行的审判之后,国际刑事法庭向苏丹总统奥马尔-巴希尔(Omar al-Bashir)发出逮捕令,这是将现任国家元首送往法庭的第一步。这很可能是国际正义的一个里程碑,但逮捕巴希尔的困难提醒我们,法律问题的决定需要政治意志来强制执行。

  俄罗斯和土耳其被指控有数量惊人的镇压行动,欧洲仍然是不计其数的违反国际--不仅仅是言论自由--行为的温室。欧洲法庭(The European Court of Human Rights)在针对平衡言论自由和隐私权的态度上做出妥协,同时英国的报纸也争辩说自己正因为迅速增长的诉讼成本和名人诉诸隐私权而束手无策。非名人的隐私却不那么珍贵,DNA数据库仍在迅速增长,英国保留着比其他任何国家都多的DNA信息—当2008年,英国面临这一行为违反基本的法律挑战而备受挫折时,其他国家冷眼旁观。英国的其他议题也难逃公众注目的焦点,英国对闭路监控系统的特有痴迷与个人自由显得越来越格格不入。但是要求国家较少介入个人事务却伴随着因明显疏忽而导致可怕的儿童死亡所带来的愤怒,这些事件的主角包括 2000年的Victoria Climbié和2008年被称为"宝宝P"的Peter Connelly。

  十年过去,与当初开始的时候一样,满怀着保护人民与价值的新期望,并伴随着与之相冲突的实施过程中的失败。丁尼生(Tennyson)在诗中写道,在英国,这是“一块有着正义和古老声誉的土地,自由慢慢伸展。”—这十年将会被当作“一个改革步伐不算太慢,但方向往往是错误的时期”而留在我们的记忆之中。

 

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