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BBC讣文《撒切尔夫人》:回忆“铁娘子”的一生

jo19870724 于2013-04-09发布 l 已有人浏览
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撒切尔夫人,20世纪最有影响力的政治人物之一,在2013年4月8日,因中风不幸逝世。

“铁娘子”撒切尔夫人去世享年87岁.jpg

Obituary: Margaret Thatcher
讣文:玛格丽特·撒切尔

Margaret Thatcher, who has died following a stroke, was one of the most influential political figures of the 20th Century.
撒切尔夫人,20世纪最有影响力的政治人物之一,在2013年4月8日,因中风不幸逝世。

Her legacy had a profound effect upon the policies of her successors, both Conservative and Labour, while her radical and sometimes confrontational approach defined her 11-year period at No 10.
她深深影响了她之后的包括保守党和工党在内的历届英国首相。这样一位激进的,有时甚至带有攻击性的“铁娘子”担任了长达11年之久的英国首相。

Her term in office saw thousands of ordinary voters gaining a stake in society, buying their council houses and eagerly snapping up shares in the newly privatised industries such as British Gas and BT.
她在任职期间推动社会改革,成千上万的英国普通选民购买了政府公屋,抢购了诸如英国天然气和英国电信等新近私有化行业的股份。

But her rejection of consensus politics made her a divisive figure and opposition to her policies and her style of government led eventually to rebellion inside her party and unrest on the streets.
但她对舆论政治的排斥使她备受争议,同时她的政策也招致反对。最终她所领导的政党内部反声一片,社会也混乱不堪。

Father's influence
父亲的影响

Margaret Hilda Thatcher was born on 13 October 1925 in Grantham, Lincolnshire, the daughter of Alfred Roberts, a grocer, and his wife, Beatrice.
玛格丽特·希尔达·撒切尔,1925年10月13日生于林肯郡的格兰瑟姆。她的父亲阿尔弗雷德·罗伯茨是一个杂货商,她的母亲叫比阿特丽斯。

Margaret Hilda Thatcher was born on 13 October 1925 in Grantham, Lincolnshire, the daughter of Alfred Roberts, a grocer, and his wife, Beatrice.
她的父亲是卫理公会的世俗布道者,同时也是当地的议员。撒切尔在她之后的生活和政治上深受其父亲的影响。

Her father, a Methodist lay preacher and local councillor, had an immense influence on her life and the policies she would adopt.
她的父亲是卫理公会的世俗布道者,同时也是当地的议员。撒切尔在她之后的生活和政治上深受其父亲的影响。

"Well, of course, I just owe almost everything to my own father. I really do," she said later. "He brought me up to believe all the things that I do believe."
“当然了,我几乎可以把一切都归功于我父亲,的确如此。”撒切尔说道。“他把我养大,让我坚信我认定的东西。”

She studied chemistry at Somerville College, Oxford, and became only the third female president of the Oxford University Conservative Association.
她曾在牛津大学的萨默维尔学院学习自然科学。她还是牛津大学保守党协会的第三位女性主席。

After graduating she moved to Colchester where she worked for a plastics company and became involved with the local Conservative Party organisation.
毕业后,她搬到了科尔切斯特,在当地一家塑料公司工作,随后加入了当地保守党组织。

In 1949, she was adopted as the prospective Conservative candidate for the seat of Dartford in Kent which she fought, unsuccessfully, in the 1950 and 1951 general elections.
1949年,她被定为未来肯特郡达特福德区的保守党候选人。然而,在1950年和1951的两次大选中均不幸败北。

However, she made a significant dent in the Labour majority and, as the then youngest ever Conservative candidate, attracted a lot of media attention.
但是她却大大撼动了工党主体。同时作为当时有史以来最年轻的保守党候选人,她也吸引了众多媒体的关注。

In 1951 she married a divorced businessman, Denis Thatcher, and began studying for the Bar exams. She qualified as a barrister in 1953, the year in which her twins Mark and Carol were born.
1951年,她嫁给了一个离过婚的商人,丹尼斯·撒切尔。同时她还投考律师公会,并于1953年成功取得讼务律师的资格。同年,夫妇俩诞下了一对孪生兄妹,分别取名为马克和卡洛儿。

She tried, unsuccessfully, to gain selection as a candidate in 1955, but finally entered Parliament for the safe Conservative seat of Finchley at the 1959 general election.
1955年她再次竞选保守党候选人,却未能如愿,最终在1959年的大选中成功当选芬奇利议会成员。

Within two years she had been appointed as a junior minister and, following the Conservative defeat in 1964, was promoted to the shadow cabinet.
不到两年,她就被任命为初级部长。1964年保守党落选后,她又被晋升为影子内阁.

'Milk snatcher'
“牛奶掠夺者”

When Sir Alec Douglas-Home stood down as Conservative leader, Mrs Thatcher voted for Ted Heath in the 1965 leadership election and was rewarded with a post as spokeswoman on housing and land.
亚历克·道格拉斯-霍姆爵士辞任保守党党魁以后,撒切尔在1965年党魁选举中把选票投给了特德·希思,作为回报,她成为了住房和土地事务的发言人。

She campaigned vigorously for the right of council tenants to buy their houses and was a constant critic of Labour's policy of high taxation.
她积极推动社会福利房住户获得购房置业的权利,并成为工党高税收政策的坚决批判者。

When Ted Heath entered Downing Street in 1970, she was promoted to the cabinet as education secretary with a brief to implement spending cuts in her department.
当特德·希思1970年入主唐宁街后,她被提升为教育及科学大臣,随后她下令削减教育开支。

One of these resulted in the withdrawal of free school milk for children aged between seven and 11 which led to bitter attacks from Labour and a press campaign which dubbed her "Margaret Thatcher, milk snatcher".
削减开支的一个结果就是取消了给7岁至11岁儿童免费供应牛奶的政策,这导致工党对其发动了猛烈的攻击,媒体抗议运动也将她戏称为“玛格利特·撒切尔,牛奶掠夺者”。

She herself had argued in cabinet against the removal of free milk. She later wrote: "I learned a valuable lesson.I had incurred the maximum of political odium for the minimum of political benefit."
她自己也曾在内阁为反对取消免费牛奶而争吵。她之后写道:“我学到了宝贵的一课。我为了最小的政治利益而招致了最大的政治憎恨。”

As one of the few high-flying women in politics there was, inevitably, talk of the possibility that she might, oneday, become prime minister. Similar press speculation surrounded the Labour minister Shirley Williams.
作为政界少有的有野心的女性,她不可避免地会被人谈及:或许某一天,她会成为首相。工党大臣谢莉·威廉姆斯身边也围绕着类似的媒体猜测。

Margaret Thatcher dismissed the idea. In a TV interview she said she did not believe that there would be a woman prime minister in her lifetime.
玛格利特·撒切尔驳斥了这种想法。在一个电视采访中,她说她不相信在她有生之年会产生一个女首相。

The Heath government was not to last. Battered by the 1973 oil crisis, forced to impose a three-day working week and facing a miners' strike, Edward Heath's administration finally collapsed in February 1974.
希思政府注定不会长久。在遭受1973年石油危机的打击,被迫强制实行三日工作周,并面临新一轮矿工罢工后,爱德华·希思政府终于在1974年2月垮台了。

Housewife-politician
是政治家也是家庭主妇

Thatcher became shadow environment secretary but, angered by what she saw as Heath's U-turns on Conservative economic policy, stood against him for the Tory leadership in 1975.
撒切尔夫人随后出任影子内阁环境事务大臣。出于对希思的保守经济政策大转弯的不满,1975年她向希思的保守党领袖地位发起挑战。

When she went into Heath's office to tell him her decision, he did not even bother to look up. "You'll lose," he said. "Good day to you."
当她走进希思办公室告诉他她的决定时,希思甚至连头都没抬。“你肯定会输,”希思说。“祝你好运。”

To everyone's surprise, she defeated Heath on the first ballot, forcing his resignation, and she saw off Willie Whitelaw on the second ballot to become the first woman to lead a major British political party.
出乎所有人的意料,她在第一轮中就击败了希思,希思被迫辞职。她又在第二轮投票中压倒了威廉·怀特劳,成为英国主要政党的第一位女性领袖。

She quickly began to make her mark. A 1976 speech criticising the repressive policies of the Soviet Union led to a Russian newspaper dubbing her "the Iron Lady," a title which gave her much personal pleasure.
她很快就出了名。1976年,撒切尔夫人在一次演讲中批评苏联的压制性政策,一家俄文报纸给她起了个“铁娘子”的称号,这一称号给撒切尔本人带来不少欢乐。

Adopting the persona of a housewife-politician who knew what inflation meant to ordinary families, she challenged the power of the trades unions whose almost constant industrial action peaked in the so-called "winter of discontent" in 1979.
兼具家庭主妇和政治家角色的撒切尔夫人,很清楚通货膨胀对普通家庭意味着什么,她向工会的权力提出了挑战。而在1979年,工会持续的罢工行动在所谓的“不满的冬天”达到了高潮。

As the Callaghan government tottered, the Conservatives rolled out a poster campaign showing a queue of supposedly unemployed people under the slogan "Labour Isn't Working".
卡拉汉政府举步维艰,保守党趁机展开一场海报宣传活动,让一群貌似失业的工人打出“工党不行了”的口号。

Jim Callaghan lost a vote of confidence on 28 March 1979. Mrs Thatcher's no-nonsense views struck a chord with many voters and the Conservatives won the ensuing general election.
1979年3月28日,詹姆斯·卡拉汉因一票之差未通过不信任动议。而撒切尔夫人的实用论引起了很多投票者的共鸣,保守党最终赢得了接下来的大选。

Monetary policies
货币政策

As prime minister, she was determined to repair the country's finances by reducing the role of the state and boosting the free market.
作为首相,撒切尔夫人决心通过弱化国家作用和提升市场自由度来修复国家财政。

Cutting inflation was central to the government's purpose and it soon introduced a radical budget of tax and spending cuts.
当时政府的主要目标是降低通胀,因此,很快就出台了激进的税收预算并缩减开支。

Bills were introduced to curb union militancy, privatise state industries and allow council home owners to buy their houses.
接着,一系列遏制工会争斗、推行国有企业私有化、住房私有化的议案也陆续出台。

Millions of people who previously had little or no stake in the economy found themselves being able to own their houses and buy shares in the former state-owned businesses.
数以百万的人发现,他们不再与国家经济绝缘,他们可以拥有自己的住房,甚至购买国有企业的股份。

New monetary policies made the City of London one of the most vibrant and successful financial centres in the world.
新的货币政策使伦敦一跃成为全世界最具活力和成功的金融中心。

Old-style manufacturing, which critics complained was creating an industrial wasteland, was run down in the quest for a competitive new Britain. Unemployment rose above three million.
旧式制造业饱受诟病,规模逐渐缩减。人们追求建造一个具有竞争力的新英国。与此同时,失业人口超过了三百万。

There was considerable unrest among the so called "wets" on the Conservative back benches and that, coupled with riots in some inner city areas, saw pressure on Margaret Thatcher to modify her policies.
这在保守党后座的所谓“湿派”中引起了不小的骚动。而一些内陆城市爆发的骚乱,也让撒切尔感受到了改变政策的压力。

But the prime minister refused to crumble. She told the 1980 party conference: "To those waiting with bated breath for that favourite media catch phrase, the U-turn, I have only one thing to say. You turn if you want to... the lady's not for turning."
然而,首相拒绝就此妥协。在1980年的保守党会议上,撒切尔说道:“我要对那些正屏气凝神,等待着传媒所讲的‘180度掉头’成真的人说:如果你要掉头便由你,但本小姐绝不掉头。”

Falklands War
福岛战争

By late 1981 her approval rating had fallen to 25%, the lowest recorded for any prime minister until that time, but the economic corner had been turned.
1981年底,撒切尔的支持率跌至25%。这是有史以来英国首相的最低支持率。然而,英国的经济却呈现出截然相反的趋势。

In early 1982 the economy began to recover and, with it, the prime minister's standing among the electorate.
1982年初,英国经济开始复苏。撒切尔在选民心中的地位也随之上升。

Her popularity received its biggest boost in April 1982 with her decisive response to the Argentine invasion of the Falkland Islands.
1982年4月,撒切尔对阿根廷进入福克兰群岛做出了决定性回应,因此声望空前。

The prime minister immediately despatched a naval task force and the islands were retaken on 14 June when the Argentine forces surrendered.
撒切尔立即向福岛派出了海军部队。6月14日,阿根廷投降,英国重新控制了福克兰群岛。

Victory in the Falklands, together with disarray in the Labour Party, now led by Michael Foot, ensured a Conservative landslide in the 1983 election.
当时的工党在迈克尔•富特的领导下混乱不堪,加上福岛战争的胜利,使保守党在1983年的大选中获得了压倒性的大胜。

The following spring the National Union of Mineworkers called a nationwide strike, despite the failure of their firebrand president, Arthur Scargill, to ballot his members.
尽管全国矿工联合会主席亚瑟·斯吉卡尔没有在会员中进行投票,工会仍然决定在1984年春天举行全国性罢工。

Margaret Thatcher was determined not to falter. Unlike the situation Edward Heath faced in 1973, the government had built up substantial stocks of coal at power stations in advance [!--empirenews.page--]BBC讣文《撒切尔夫人》:回忆“铁娘子”的一生[/!--empirenews.page--]of the industrial action.
有退缩。有别于1973年时的希思政府,她对这次罢工早已做好充足准备,储备了大量的煤,所以罢工并未对发电厂的供应构成影响.

[!--empirenews.page--]第三任期[/!--empirenews.page--]

Third term
第三任期

There were brutal clashes between pickets and police but the strike eventually collapsed the following March. Many mining communities never recovered from the dispute that hastened the decline of the coal industry.
罢工示威者和警察发生了激烈的冲突,但罢工最终在第二年的三月失败了。这一罢工加速了煤炭工业的衰退,很多矿业团体自此以 后再也没有回复元气。

In Northern Ireland, Mrs Thatcher faced down IRA hunger strikers, though her hard-line approach infuriated even moderate nationalist opinion and critics claimed it drove many young Catholics towards the path of violence.
在北爱尔兰,撒切尔夫人挫败了北爱尔兰共和军的示威者,但她强硬的手段激怒比较温和的民族主义者。批评人士表示,这使得许多年轻的天主教徒走想了暴力之路。

Although she attempted to ease sectarian tensions, offering Dublin a role, peace efforts collapsed beneath the weight of Unionist opposition.
虽然她试图缓和宗派间的关系,给予都柏林一定的地位,但和平进程在联合主义者反对的重压之下最终流产。

In October 1984, an IRA bomb exploded in the Conservative conference hotel in Brighton. Five people died and many others, including cabinet minister Norman Tebbit, were seriously injured.
1984年10月,保守党正在布莱顿的一家酒店内开会,北爱共和军在这家酒店内引爆炸弹,导致5人死亡,包括内阁大臣谭百德在内的许多人受重伤。

Characteristically, the prime minister insisted on delivering a typically robust response in her keynote conference speech a few hours later.
数小时后撒切尔夫人在保守党大会上的致辞中对爆炸事件进行了特别强硬的回应:

"This attack has failed. All attempts to destroy democracy by terrorism will fail."
“这次袭击失败了。任何用恐怖主义破坏民主的企图都会失败。”

Her foreign policy was aimed at building up the profile of the UK abroad, something she believed had been allowed to decline under previous Labour administrations.
撒切尔夫人的外交政策旨在国际社会中建立英国的影响力。她认为在之前工党执政时期,英国的影响有所衰退。

She found a soulmate in the US president, Ronald Reagan, who shared many of her economic views, and she struck up an unlikely alliance with Mikhail Gorbachev, the reforming Soviet president. "We can do business together," she famously said.
撒切尔夫人找到了一个知音,那便是美国总统罗纳德·里根,他们在很多经济问题上都有共识。他还和前苏联改革派总统米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫建立起一种似乎不太可能的盟友关系。她形容戈尔巴乔夫是“可以打交道的人。”

Labour, now led by Neil Kinnock, had still not recovered from years of in-fighting and Mrs Thatcher won an unprecedented third term at the 1987 general election.
工党在尼尔·基诺克的领导下仍然没有从多年的内耗中恢复,撒切尔夫人在1987年大选中获得了空前的胜利,开始了其第三任期。

One of her first actions was to introduce the poll tax or community charge, a flat-rate tax for local services which was based on individuals rather than the value of the property in which they lived.
撒切尔夫人蝉联后的首批政策之一是实施人头税,这是一种为本地服务征收的单一税。该税种基于个人,而非民众居住的房产的价值。

[!--empirenews.page--]微笑的背叛[/!--empirenews.page--]

'Treachery with a smile'
“微笑的背叛”

It sparked some of the worst street violence in living memory. Tory MPs, alarmed that the tax could cost them their seats, saw no way of getting rid of it so long as Margaret Thatcher was in charge.
这一政策导致了人们记忆中最严重的街头暴力行为。保守党下院议员被警告称他们的议会席位会由于该政策而丧失,但这些议员认为只要撒切尔夫人执政,这项政策就不会取消。

She easily survived a leadership challenge from an unknown back-bencher in 1989 but the challenge was just a symptom of increasing dissatisfaction among Conservative MPs over her policies.
1989年,撒切尔夫人轻松化解了一位不知名的国会议员对其执政地位的挑战。但这一挑战表明,保守党议员对其政策的不满在增加。

It was the issue of Europe which, eventually, brought about her downfall.
最终是欧洲问题导致了撒切尔夫人的下台。

Returning from a fractious Euro summit in Rome, she let rip against her European counterparts, refusing to countenance any increase in the power of the European Community and outraging many colleagues.
撒切尔夫人参加完意大利罗马的一次欧洲峰会回国后,开始高调地与欧洲其他国家领导人唱反调,拒绝支持扩大欧共体的权力,结果令很多同事感到不满。

"The President of the Commission, Monsieur Delors, said at a press conference the other day that he wanted the European Parliament to be the democratic body of the Community, he wanted the Commission to be the Executive and he wanted the Council of Ministers to be the Senate. No. No. No."
“欧共体委员会主席雅克·德洛尔在前几天的一次新闻发布会上说,他希望欧洲议会成为欧共体的民主机构,欧共体委员会成为行政机构,部长理事会成为参议院。这样不行,不行,不行。”

Sir Geoffrey Howe, resentful since being ousted as foreign secretary, seized his moment to quit the cabinet,deliver a devastating resignation speech and invite challengers for the leadership.
外交大臣杰弗里·豪因被撤职而心怀不满,他抓住这个机会从内阁辞了职,并发表了毁灭性的辞职演说,呼吁挑战者争夺领导地位。

The following day, Michael Heseltine threw his hat into the ring. Falling two votes short of preventing the contest going to a second round, Margaret Thatcher declared she would fight on.
第二天,迈克尔·赫尔塞廷宣布参加竞选。由于差两张选票,竞选将进入第二轮,撒切尔夫人宣布将继续战斗。

Told by close colleagues, the famous "men in grey suits," that she would lose, she used her next cabinet meeting to announce her resignation. Later, she mused bitterly: "It was treachery with a smile on its face."
撒切尔夫人在其亲密的同僚告知她会在竞选中失败后,利用随后召开内阁会议宣布辞职。后来,她有些苦涩的说:“这是面带微笑的背叛。”

John Major was elected her successor and Margaret Thatcher returned to the back benches, finally standing down as an MP in 1992 when the Conservatives, against all predictions, were again returned to power.
约翰·梅杰被选为撒切尔夫人的继任者,撒切尔夫人则回到议会任职,并最终在1992年放弃议员席位。那一年,出乎所有人的预料,保守党再次上台执政。

[!--empirenews.page--]晚年[/!--empirenews.page--]

Later years
晚年

She was elevated to the peerage as Baroness Thatcher of Kesteven in the County of Lincolnshire, receiving the Order of the Garter in 1995.
1995年,撒切尔夫人荣获“嘉德骑士”勋章;在此之前,她还被册封为终身贵族,成为林肯郡克斯蒂文区的女男爵。

She wrote two volumes of her memoirs while remaining active in politics, campaigning against the Maastricht Treaty and condemning the Serbian policy of ethnic cleansing in Bosnia.
她著有两本回忆录,同时还活跃在政界,开展各种活动反对《马斯特里赫特条约》,并谴责塞尔维亚在波斯尼亚的种族清洗政策。

She publicly endorsed William Hague for the Conservative leadership in 1997 but pointedly failed to speak in favour of his successor, Iain Duncan Smith.
1997年,撒切尔夫人公开支持威廉·黑格出任保守党党魁;对于他的继任人选伊恩·邓肯·史密斯,她也曾游说表示支持,但终究没有取得成功。

She was forced to curtail her activities in 2001 when her health began to deteriorate. After a series of minor strokes, her doctors advised her against making public speaking appearances and she appeared increasingly frail.
从2001年开始,撒切尔夫人健康每况愈下,不得不逐渐淡出政治圈。在经历几次轻微中风后,医生建议她不要再进行任何公开演讲,她看上去也越来越虚弱了。

She was also suffering from dementia which was affecting her short-term memory, something her daughter, Carol, would reveal in 2008.
女儿卡罗尔2008年曾透露,撒切尔夫人还患有老年痴呆症,短期记忆因此大大受损。

When her husband Denis - whom she had described as her "rock" - died in 2003 aged 88, she paid him an emotional tribute.
2003年,撒切尔夫人88岁的丈夫丹尼斯去世。撒切尔夫人一直将丈夫视为自己的“坚强后盾”;面对丈夫的离去,她难掩内心的失落,并这样表达了她对丈夫的敬意:

"Being prime minister is a lonely job. In a sense, it ought to be - you cannot lead from a crowd. But with Denis there I was never alone. What a man. What a husband. What a friend."
“担任首相很孤独。从某种意义上说,领袖从来就是孤独的。但是,有丹尼斯在身边,我从来没感到孤单。多么伟大的男人!多么优秀的丈夫!多么难得的益友!”

A year later she travelled to the US to bid farewell to her political partner Ronald Reagan, whose funeral tookplace in Washington in June 2004.
一年后,也就是2004年6月,撒切尔夫人来到美国华盛顿参加了罗纳德·里根的葬礼,跟她的政坛伙伴作最后的告别。

She continued to appear in public, perhaps most notably when she unveiled a bronze statue of herself in the Houseof Commons, the first time a living former prime minister had been commemorated in this way.
她不断出现在公众视野,最引人注目的一次或许就是她在下议院为自己的铜像揭幕,这也是第一次前首相在生前得到这种荣誉。

And she returned to Downing Street. Gordon Brown invited her for tea, shortly after he became prime minister andshe was back in 2010 as a guest of David Cameron, the new head of a coalition government.
之后,撒切尔夫人回到了唐宁街。戈登·布朗当选英国首相后不久,便邀请她一起喝茶;2010年,她又作为联合政府新首脑大卫·卡梅伦的客人被邀请回到唐宁街。

[!--empirenews.page--]遗留下来的宝贵财富[/!--empirenews.page--]

Legacy
遗留下来的宝贵财富

Few politicians have exercised such dominance during their term in office and few politicians have attracted suchstrength of feeling, both for and against.
几乎没有哪个政治家在任期间会像撒切尔夫人那样保持着一如既往的统治地位,也没有哪个政治家能勾起外界这么强烈的情感,这其中有支持,也有反对。

To her detractors she was the politician who put the free market above all else and who was willing to allow others to pay the price for her policies in terms of rising unemployment and social unrest.
在批评者眼中,她是一位视自由市场高于一切的政治家。针对上升的失业率和动荡不安的社会,她推出的政策却要别人来买单。

Her supporters hail her for rolling back the frontiers of an overburdening state, reducing the influence of powerful trades union leaders and restoring Britain's standing in the world.
支持者拥戴她,因为她为一个负担过重的国家减轻了不少压力,减小了工会领导人的影响力,而且恢复了英国的世界地位。

She was, above all, that rare thing, a conviction politician who was prepared to stand by those convictions for good or ill.
最重要的是,她是一位有执着信念的政治家,无论对错,她都坚守着自己的信念,真可谓“人间珍品”。

Her firm belief that deeply held convictions should never be compromised by consensus was her great strength and, at the same time, her greatest weakness.
但凡她坚持的信念,她都不会做出任何妥协,这种坚定是她的长处,同时也是她最大的弱点。

For many, her philosophy was summed up in a magazine interview she gave in 1987.
在很多人看来,撒切尔夫人1987年接受的一个杂志采访很好地总结了她的人生观。

"I think we have gone through a period when too many children and people have been given to understand 'I have a problem, it is the government's job to cope with it!' or 'I have a problem, I will go and get a grant to cope with it!'; 'I am homeless, the government must house me!' and so they are casting their problems on society and who issociety?
“我觉得我们经历了这样一个时期,不少人(包括孩子)理所当然地认为:‘我遇到问题了,政府有职责去解决这个问题!’或者‘我遇到问题了,我得获得(政府)资助才能解决’,又或者‘我无家可归,政府必须给我一个住的地方’。这样一来,他们都把自己的问题归咎于社会,那么社会是什么呢?”

"There is no such thing! There are individual men and women and there are families, and no government can do anything except through people and people look to themselves first.
“根本就不存在这样一个东西!社会上存在的就是个体的男人、女人和家庭,政府只有通过人民才能有所作为,人民最先依赖的还应该是他们自己。”

"It is our duty to look after ourselves and then also to help look after our neighbour and life is a reciprocal business and people have got the entitlements too much in mind without the obligations."
“照顾好自己是我们的职责,当然我们也有责任帮助照顾好邻里。生活就是有来有往,互利互惠。人们太过专注于自己的权利,却忽视了应该承担的责任。”

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